Faisal Abbas 
That gangs of the remnants of the defunct regime are waging a surprising military attack on the Syrian coast on the security forces and the army, as this is not surprising from a group that is still associated with ideology, psychologically and sectarianly to the Assad regime, and it has a direct interest in bringing down the new regime. And that there are demonstrations denouncing the policies of the new administration, ending with the landing of the Syrian flag, and raising the Druze flag in its place, it was not surprising, as some social groups have behaved since the beginning of the Syrian revolution in 2011, on the basis of my narrow identities. However, he was not limited to ausports, but also emerged between the majority, and here the security men and the new army of the Sunni community, who committed field executions in the streets of civilians is to be removed from civilians.
It is not important in terms of cognitive aspect of the question whether the minorities are still thinking and working on the basis of my identities, especially in the different historical moments, when the political meeting is threatened, or turbulent and unclear, but rather the question about the reasons for the behavior of the minorities is an identity course that becomes absurd and has no knowledge value, in the shadow of a society and a state that has established (decades) There is no citizen in it. The question is knowledge when it is posed as follows: What are the reasons that prompted Alawites in the northwest of Syria to start military operations, three months after the fall of the Assad regime, and the management of a new ruling is formed? … It is a question that also applies to Druze areas? Perhaps later on a Kurdish? … It is not sufficient to answer this question based on the variation of social identity: open sects and social freedom in exchange for a socially closed Islamic rule system that can impose its vision on everyone. The answer is not sufficient for identity and ideological dissonance also between the two parties. It is a normal act that the parties are practically expressed from seeing it, carried by political, social or sectarian loads.
The important question: What prompted the remnants of the regime to move from the state of power to the state of action, and what prompted Druze to raise their own flag instead of the Syrian flag? … here is the essence of the issue, the self -tendencies governed by ideologies, psychological desires and sectarian feelings that always exist and do not disappear easily, but they are, even if it is a condition for movement and action, it is not a direct cause of that. On the one hand, the individual behaviors of the security and military elements in the new administration, on the one hand, and the absence of a political dialogue mechanism with the leaders of the Syrian social components, especially with the people of the Alawite sect, on the other hand, had a major role in continuing concerns among the minorities.
The new administration dealt with severe centralization, so it made unprecedented steps by forming a government of one color, a national dialogue committee, then a committee for the constitutional declaration
The past three months of the new administration’s ruling revealed their lack of understanding of the dialectical relationship between security and politics, especially in the dangerous or transitional stages. The new rulers deal in the security and political files from a unilateral perspective. It is true that their control of the ruling came at the lowest bloody costs, and it is true that from the first day they announced their openness to all Syrian components as their members are Syrian citizens, and it is true that they announced that they will only be exposed to criminals of the former regime, but building states is not based on general political reassurances and speeches.
In the security file, the new authority dealt with a severe central ruling, and it announced that all militias must solve themselves and engage in the new army individuals, not groups, and not acceptable to remain this. In spite of the theoretical advocacy (this is how modern armies are built on an individual basis, not on the basis of social components that have a certain identity character), but the Syrian reality represented by the presence of military forces with a special color color, and it has regional and international weights and connections, it was imperative to accept its entry into the army as a stand -alone faction in the first stage of the construction of the state, and that it is later. Years) a gradual fusion process within the army, and this is what happened in some historical experiences. The main priority in the stages of articulated transition is the process of building confidence and integration into one military institution, regardless of the way individuals and groups are distributed in it, for each experience has its historical privacy.
The president must manage seriously to ensure compatibility with all Syrian components
In the political file, the new administration dealt with severe centralization as well, and it made unlawful steps by forming a government of one color, a national dialogue committee, then a committee for the constitutional declaration. The strange thing is that the political authority’s political behavior in this field was moving according to the data of the outside, not the interior, meaning that these steps were directed to the international community in order to obtain its political and economic support, and it was not completely based on the interests of the Syrian interior. It seems from the existing data, that the Ahmed Al -Shara administration did not realize the close relationship between security and political, so the first is not achieved without the second.
From here, the fundamental initial of building new Syria, and to prevent matters from slipping into chaos that threatens the entire country, and the president and his administration to work seriously to ensure compatibility with all Syrian components, even if he had, at this stage, to make military and political concessions, without the emergence of national confidence among all, Syria appears to the unknown. Caring for these priorities is the task of the new state in the first place, before the task of others, the homeland partners.
